The wave of strikes, rural dis shapes, pogroms and mutinies in 1905-07 were the bitter harvest from tension and animosities that had mounted steadily since the large(p) Reforms of the 1860s. By 1905, with the regime debilitated by foreign war, domestic terror and economic recession, only a tiny minority . . . stood ready to give . . . countenance to autocracy, still less the bureaucratism (Freeze 197).
However, the groups calling for great change (workers, students, professionals--the same groups calling for reform fifty years earlier) in society and the g overnment were similarly organizing and strengthening themselves: "1905 was not just a year of variation" but even more "a year of main(a) social organization" (Freeze 197).
Freeze points out another coincidence between the age of industrialization and revolution and the age of reform. some(prenominal) eras involved the people's demanding more power in running the country, and the fruition of the leader that such demands must be met:
However reluctantly and conditionally, Nicholas II recognized society's right to share power in the new State Duma and, co
Massie notes that the lit of the early years of industrialization was almost without exception unlike to the materialist forces behind that process. However, the anti-industrialist, pro-peasant views of Tolstoy, Dostoevsky and Gorky formed a romantic vision of a time and a society long gone:
In other instances, where the government did act boldly enough, it adopted industrial policies which put the emphasis on short-term profits over long-term and wiser economic considerations, further alienating the people: " disposal policies assigned higher priorities to fiscal revenues than to increases in consumption and the accumulation of personal savings" (Cracraft 444).
In addition, the government sought revenues to support industrialization through higher taxation, which prevented the people from purchasing goods and run which would have supported industrialization in a cold more economically wise fashion (Cracraft 445).
Freeze, Gregory L. From Supplication to Revolution. clean York: Oxford UP, 1988.
[The congress recommends] a strong state authority at the local level that can really defend mystical property from plunder and . . . take energetic measures to establish order in the country, to defend peaceful inhabitants from violence and robbery, and to prosecute vigorously every incitement to violence (Freeze 203).
If art patrons among the industrialists remained traditional, little else did in the Russia of the new century. Industrialization threw the country into turmoil and forever neutered many basic elements of the nation, including the lives of workers, the role of the nobility, the centers of population, and the agricultural base of the country. in that location was no group or class which did not declare its discontent with the system and outright violence when it came was not totally unexpected. However, rebellion and revolution in 1905 hardly accomplished much of a positive nature, and certainly not from the perspective of the nobility, a class
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