Indonesian Chinese Discrimination

Thus, in an effort to modernize such economic dominance, most Southeast Asian countries employ discriminatory policies against the Chinese in the 1950s and 1960s, some of which ingest continued, though usually much diminished, to the present (Hicks & Mackie, 1994, p. 50).

Forms and Policies of distinction to 1980

end-to-end its history in Indonesia, the Chinese minority has played a major economic role in the archipelago as merchants, artisans, and inwrought middlemen in the collection of crops and taxes from native nations (Seekins, 1993, p. 30). As discussed above, they have similarly long encountered considerable hostility from both Indonesians and Europeans largely as a result of the economic threat they have appeared to pose. Furtherto a greater extent, Chinese emigration from China's southern provinces to Indonesia in the late nineteenth coulomb increased in correlation to the economic development of social Chinese already in Indonesia (Seekins, 1993, p. 30). For example, between 1870 and 1930, the Chinese population in the archipelago increased from 250,000 to 1.25 million, the latter numerate representing about 2 percent of the archipelago's total population.

After 1900, the extension of the plantation body and the development of mining concerns where Chinese labor was widely employ conduct to a further increase in the number of Chinese residents (

In the mid-1960s, when the revolutionary Order was first being formed, Suharto was able to rely on Chinese business and a Catholic-dominated brain trusts aligned with his believe ally, General Ali Murtopo (Budiman, 1994, p. 21). Suharto organized the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) and led by Harry Tjan Silalahi and Jusuf Wanandi--both Catholics with heathen-Chinese backgrounds--the CSIS became very influential. Thus, with this team, Suharto established a rugged presidency and recorded impressive economic growth (Budiman, 1994, p. 21). However, in the 1980s, things began to change with the emergence of pribumi (indigenous Indonesian) big business (Budiman, 1994, p. 21).

As house servant corporations began to compete with the Chinese business establishment, the pribumi began to use prevailing anti-Chinese feeling to force the public and the government to question the legitimacy of the Chinese hold over the Indonesian economy (Budiman, 1993, p. 21).

repose Tek Tjeng, a senior researcher at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences, says that anyone better after the mid-1960s thinks of himself or herself as Indonesian, not Chinese (Ching, 1993, 33). Lie doubts whether this would have been so if the Chinese schools had not been abolished. Of course, one de part always wonder whether the attempt to ensure loyalty to the government take such harsh measures; nonetheless, as the nation becomes more stable, it can also become more tolerant (Ching, 1993, p. 33).

Forms and Policies of Discrimination: 1980s - Present

Budiman states that this New Order actually started in the mid-1960s side by side(p) the failed coup attempt. It has been identified as a shift in governmental policy here, however, because the purpose for the attempt to assimilate ethnic Chinese into the larger community has shifted. In this latter part of the twentieth century, the economic significance of the ethnic Chinese has required the government to respond to issues that affect the ethn
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